Women’s reservation
In 1996, history was made in the parliament, as the bill for 33% women’s reservation was placed by the HD Devegowda government. It was historic, not so much because it marked a leap in gender movement in the country but as the highest elected body of the country finally realized that it almost did not represent half it’s population.(women)Since then the bill has been placed thrice only to face ridicule, sarcasm and cynicism and was put away, in the chambers each time. This time, however the case for gender parity in the highest legislative body of the country seems stronger than ever. Both the ruling coalition and the Opposition are in consensus in the issue and have the required numbers to pull it through. It would still be unreasonable to imagine that the going would be easy. The theatrical declaration of JD(U) leader Sharad Yadav to commit suicide in parliament, promises enough trouble .Though in a milder way RJD leader Laloo Prasad Yadav and SP leader Mulayam Singh Yadav have been consistent in their opposition to this development. It is also noteworthy that the opposition is not just within the parliament but also beyond it, in the socio- political space of the country.Unfortunately all such opposition is mostly a product of prejudiced thinking or the end result of electoral calculations directed towards personal gains. It is thus imperative to counter such arguments politically, making any unrest that follows illegitimate.The primary opposition (thankfully outside the parliament), more visible in the media is on the idea of politics of representation. The furor that followed, on the declaration of reservation for OBC,s is proof enough that, there are several people in this country opposed to the very idea of reservation. The argument on their part is this that reserving seats for women in parliament would not ensure any progress. They should contest alongside men and it is the responsibility of the parties to have more female candidates and ensure that they win. This argument is easily replicable for any argument against reservation by respective change of subject and object of the premise. Now , it is to such moral responsibility of the political parties that things have been left to in the last 60 years with the end result that the Indian parliament today has slightly above 10 percent women , where they constitute nearly 50 percent of the population. This should be qualified with the fact that it is much lower than even the world average of 18 percent (United Nations report) which includes Arab and sub-Saharan countries. Moreover left to the mercy of the male dominated political institutionsIndia ranks 116th out of 157 countries according to the UNDPs Gender Development Index(2008). One does need anymore words to explain that this idea of competing with the so called virtue of ‘merit’ has done little good to social development in the country.It is however not untrue that reserving a third of the seats may not result in direct empowerment of women in general, nonetheless what it would ensure is a single vital change in the mindset of many, that women can and should take positions of power. Indira Gandhi though not a universal role model for her politics or administration had been a role model for a generation of women solely for her position of authority.Representation, may not have ensured general development through action of the one who represents but the fact of the person (belonging to a disadvantaged section) being in position of authority, has instilled self-respect and hope in a large number of others which forms the foundation for any progress.Within the parliament though, the debate now is within the scope for political representation. The opposition is not against the bill so much but against its present form. The JD(U), RJD and BSP leaders are demanding in unison for a quota within the quota for SC,ST,OBC and women. On the face of it there seems nothing wrong, with this demand, as it would be naïve to think that women form a homogeneous group without inequalities of class and caste. Unfortunately this new argument has been put forward merely to stall the passage of the bill.It should be noted that the new champions of the cause of backward caste women had been opposing reservation for women in the parliament, in any form, over the last 12 years. Moreover they had never spoken out for a clause to reserve seats for women withinthe existing SC,ST,OBC quota already in practice. This makes evident the hollowness of cries of the empathizers of the backward caste women who refuse to identify the disadvantages that a woman faces in society whether she is the ‘parkati (woman with short hair) woman’ as Sharad Yadav refers to urbane and elite women or a dalit.In fact RJD and JD(U) had the lowest number of female candidates in the country in therecently concluded 15th Loksabha elections. Despite being the leading parties in Biharthe parties fielded two candidates each , which makes their percentage of female candidates much lower than even the state’s average which again is low of close to 7 percent female candidates . The JD(U) leaders comment to commit suicide may be dismissed as theatrics by many but he is aware that if the bill is passed it would ensure death of the nearly, man only brand of politics they practice.On the other hand contrary to claims , the bill would ensure higher participation of women from disadvantaged sections into politics as the parties which claim to represent them would have to ensure their entry to retain their numbers in the house. This would inversely meet the demand for more women candidates in political partiestoo. Over the last 13 years, the bill had been put to hold by insecure men in parliament who believe women should only ‘make rotis’ but this time the onus is on the people in consensus , as they have the numbers to see it through . If only petty electoral calculations are brushed aside for the sake of larger social progress we as a country can make leap forward to social development. As for the unrest and discomfort it may create, we should dismiss it in the same manner we today dismiss, the discontent of any upper caste person sharing the eating table with a dalit.