Women’s reservation
In 1996, history was made in the parliament, as the bill for 33% women’s reservation was placed by the HD Devegowda government. It was historic, not so much because it marked a leap in gender movement in the country but as the highest elected body of the country finally realized that it almost did not represent half it’s population.(women)Since then the bill has been placed thrice only to face ridicule, sarcasm and cynicism and was put away, in the chambers each time. This time, however the case for gender parity in the highest legislative body of the country seems stronger than ever. Both the ruling coalition and the Opposition are in consensus in the issue and have the required numbers to pull it through. It would still be unreasonable to imagine that the going would be easy. The theatrical declaration of JD(U) leader Sharad Yadav to commit suicide in parliament, promises enough trouble .Though in a milder way RJD leader Laloo Prasad Yadav and SP leader Mulayam Singh Yadav have been consistent in their opposition to this development. It is also noteworthy that the opposition is not just within the parliament but also beyond it, in the socio- political space of the country.Unfortunately all such opposition is mostly a product of prejudiced thinking or the end result of electoral calculations directed towards personal gains. It is thus imperative to counter such arguments politically, making any unrest that follows illegitimate.The primary opposition (thankfully outside the parliament), more visible in the media is on the idea of politics of representation. The furor that followed, on the declaration of reservation for OBC,s is proof enough that, there are several people in this country opposed to the very idea of reservation. The argument on their part is this that reserving seats for women in parliament would not ensure any progress. They should contest alongside men and it is the responsibility of the parties to have more female candidates and ensure that they win. This argument is easily replicable for any argument against reservation by respective change of subject and object of the premise. Now , it is to such moral responsibility of the political parties that things have been left to in the last 60 years with the end result that the Indian parliament today has slightly above 10 percent women , where they constitute nearly 50 percent of the population. This should be qualified with the fact that it is much lower than even the world average of 18 percent (United Nations report) which includes Arab and sub-Saharan countries. Moreover left to the mercy of the male dominated political institutionsIndia ranks 116th out of 157 countries according to the UNDPs Gender Development Index(2008). One does need anymore words to explain that this idea of competing with the so called virtue of ‘merit’ has done little good to social development in the country.It is however not untrue that reserving a third of the seats may not result in direct empowerment of women in general, nonetheless what it would ensure is a single vital change in the mindset of many, that women can and should take positions of power. Indira Gandhi though not a universal role model for her politics or administration had been a role model for a generation of women solely for her position of authority.Representation, may not have ensured general development through action of the one who represents but the fact of the person (belonging to a disadvantaged section) being in position of authority, has instilled self-respect and hope in a large number of others which forms the foundation for any progress.Within the parliament though, the debate now is within the scope for political representation. The opposition is not against the bill so much but against its present form. The JD(U), RJD and BSP leaders are demanding in unison for a quota within the quota for SC,ST,OBC and women. On the face of it there seems nothing wrong, with this demand, as it would be naïve to think that women form a homogeneous group without inequalities of class and caste. Unfortunately this new argument has been put forward merely to stall the passage of the bill.It should be noted that the new champions of the cause of backward caste women had been opposing reservation for women in the parliament, in any form, over the last 12 years. Moreover they had never spoken out for a clause to reserve seats for women withinthe existing SC,ST,OBC quota already in practice. This makes evident the hollowness of cries of the empathizers of the backward caste women who refuse to identify the disadvantages that a woman faces in society whether she is the ‘parkati (woman with short hair) woman’ as Sharad Yadav refers to urbane and elite women or a dalit.In fact RJD and JD(U) had the lowest number of female candidates in the country in therecently concluded 15th Loksabha elections. Despite being the leading parties in Biharthe parties fielded two candidates each , which makes their percentage of female candidates much lower than even the state’s average which again is low of close to 7 percent female candidates . The JD(U) leaders comment to commit suicide may be dismissed as theatrics by many but he is aware that if the bill is passed it would ensure death of the nearly, man only brand of politics they practice.On the other hand contrary to claims , the bill would ensure higher participation of women from disadvantaged sections into politics as the parties which claim to represent them would have to ensure their entry to retain their numbers in the house. This would inversely meet the demand for more women candidates in political partiestoo. Over the last 13 years, the bill had been put to hold by insecure men in parliament who believe women should only ‘make rotis’ but this time the onus is on the people in consensus , as they have the numbers to see it through . If only petty electoral calculations are brushed aside for the sake of larger social progress we as a country can make leap forward to social development. As for the unrest and discomfort it may create, we should dismiss it in the same manner we today dismiss, the discontent of any upper caste person sharing the eating table with a dalit.
Tuesday, July 21, 2009
Tuesday, June 30, 2009
This article was written a month back
Political situation in West Bengal
The mighty have shaken and history is made. . The people of West Bengal have given their verdict against the Left Front, notwithstanding the confidence of their cadres and leaders of being the sole representative of the masses. The cumulating dissent had earlier found shape in the Kolkata rally of November 14 of over 60,000 people (official figure) and the panchyat elections.But the Lok Sabha ( Left Front-15,Cong-TMC alliance-26,SUCI-1,BJP-1 the lowest tally for Left post emergency) verdict has finally given a clear picture for both the party in power and the nation that things have gone terribly wrong over the last few years.Now, as the Trinamool led alliance prepares to make the mighty fall; the Left is busy explaining the debacle to its ranks, instilling courage and hope, rethinking its tactics and agenda. What seemed a distant possibility a few days ago now has an element of tangibility to it. Whether the mighty will finally fall is a question best left to the people. But the situation and the contenders are worth a look into. The Left, clearly, has lost its base to a political identity crisis. The contradiction in the Left Front's virulent campaign against pro-liberal policies of the UPA and the near merciless crushing of what was, arguably, the strongest resistance in the country against SEZ in Nandigram created an ideological vaccum that somebody had to fill. And Trinamool, stepped in to represent the abandoned, erstwhile rural bastions of the Left Front. However, it is important to understand that the dream run of the Trinamool led alliance is not the result of an organised support base but of a culminating angst against the ruling party. This is validated by Trinamool supreme, Mamata Banerjee's own admission that the result is "a verdict of no confidence" against the Left-Front. The chinks in the newly formed amour of the party are too visible to be over looked and hence it is not yet time to write off the Left.Trinamool had played a leading role in the movements against land acquisition, forming one new base after the other but they have not given concrete solutions to the problems of unemployment,Industrialization or inflation. To give shape to this new found support they have to form clear plans of what lies ahead, keeping in mind the promises made to voters. Its rhetoric ' development with a human face' now needs to have a defined form. The tough part in this would be to walk the tight rope of keeping the peasant vote bank happy and maintaining its alliance with the Congress.Though there is little possibility of Congress-Left closeness in the near future, the Trinamool-Congress alliance in the state have a few possible hiccups. Congress, happy with the result of the alliance in the state, though may not be contemplating a break-up but after their rebirth across the country would not be interested to retreat from their economic policies including SEZ. On the contrary, Trinamool, to be honest to its manifesto and recent past has to play the role of more left than thou. A break at any point between the two on any such issue would result in split of votes and a significant change in results.Another drawback, which has kept Trinamool away from the pedestal over the years, is lack of leaders. Though Mamata Banerjee has been able to transform the image of the political leader in Bengal from a suave intellectual to a person on the streets, the party has not been able to project more leaders. Where Left Front has no dearth of leaders who can be projected as prospective candidates for holding office, the Trinamool leadership apart from the supremo is mostly lack lustre. A look at the history of prominent leadership in the country shows that they have mostly been products of student politics. A clear politics, which includes a comprehensive view of society and its development, is needed for the formation of organisations at different levels from where the leadership emerges. Trinamool Chhatra Parishad is virtually absent in Calcutta University and Jadavpur University -- the two prominent universities in the state-and this does not speak very highly of its student base or its comprehensive approach to society.It should be noted that people who voted for the alliance which would lead to a status quo , Congress led government at the centre might not be too keen to vote a party without prominent leadership to power in the state.With strengths and weaknesses of the two sides on a near balance the West Bengal assembly elections after several years would see a tough contest in 2011. And although the winds of change might be with the newly formed alliance, it is too early to write off the Left Front. All said and done May 17, 2009 was a historic day for West Bengal and Indian parliamentary democracy and the strength of the masses to form or remove a government was established yet again.
Political situation in West Bengal
The mighty have shaken and history is made. . The people of West Bengal have given their verdict against the Left Front, notwithstanding the confidence of their cadres and leaders of being the sole representative of the masses. The cumulating dissent had earlier found shape in the Kolkata rally of November 14 of over 60,000 people (official figure) and the panchyat elections.But the Lok Sabha ( Left Front-15,Cong-TMC alliance-26,SUCI-1,BJP-1 the lowest tally for Left post emergency) verdict has finally given a clear picture for both the party in power and the nation that things have gone terribly wrong over the last few years.Now, as the Trinamool led alliance prepares to make the mighty fall; the Left is busy explaining the debacle to its ranks, instilling courage and hope, rethinking its tactics and agenda. What seemed a distant possibility a few days ago now has an element of tangibility to it. Whether the mighty will finally fall is a question best left to the people. But the situation and the contenders are worth a look into. The Left, clearly, has lost its base to a political identity crisis. The contradiction in the Left Front's virulent campaign against pro-liberal policies of the UPA and the near merciless crushing of what was, arguably, the strongest resistance in the country against SEZ in Nandigram created an ideological vaccum that somebody had to fill. And Trinamool, stepped in to represent the abandoned, erstwhile rural bastions of the Left Front. However, it is important to understand that the dream run of the Trinamool led alliance is not the result of an organised support base but of a culminating angst against the ruling party. This is validated by Trinamool supreme, Mamata Banerjee's own admission that the result is "a verdict of no confidence" against the Left-Front. The chinks in the newly formed amour of the party are too visible to be over looked and hence it is not yet time to write off the Left.Trinamool had played a leading role in the movements against land acquisition, forming one new base after the other but they have not given concrete solutions to the problems of unemployment,Industrialization or inflation. To give shape to this new found support they have to form clear plans of what lies ahead, keeping in mind the promises made to voters. Its rhetoric ' development with a human face' now needs to have a defined form. The tough part in this would be to walk the tight rope of keeping the peasant vote bank happy and maintaining its alliance with the Congress.Though there is little possibility of Congress-Left closeness in the near future, the Trinamool-Congress alliance in the state have a few possible hiccups. Congress, happy with the result of the alliance in the state, though may not be contemplating a break-up but after their rebirth across the country would not be interested to retreat from their economic policies including SEZ. On the contrary, Trinamool, to be honest to its manifesto and recent past has to play the role of more left than thou. A break at any point between the two on any such issue would result in split of votes and a significant change in results.Another drawback, which has kept Trinamool away from the pedestal over the years, is lack of leaders. Though Mamata Banerjee has been able to transform the image of the political leader in Bengal from a suave intellectual to a person on the streets, the party has not been able to project more leaders. Where Left Front has no dearth of leaders who can be projected as prospective candidates for holding office, the Trinamool leadership apart from the supremo is mostly lack lustre. A look at the history of prominent leadership in the country shows that they have mostly been products of student politics. A clear politics, which includes a comprehensive view of society and its development, is needed for the formation of organisations at different levels from where the leadership emerges. Trinamool Chhatra Parishad is virtually absent in Calcutta University and Jadavpur University -- the two prominent universities in the state-and this does not speak very highly of its student base or its comprehensive approach to society.It should be noted that people who voted for the alliance which would lead to a status quo , Congress led government at the centre might not be too keen to vote a party without prominent leadership to power in the state.With strengths and weaknesses of the two sides on a near balance the West Bengal assembly elections after several years would see a tough contest in 2011. And although the winds of change might be with the newly formed alliance, it is too early to write off the Left Front. All said and done May 17, 2009 was a historic day for West Bengal and Indian parliamentary democracy and the strength of the masses to form or remove a government was established yet again.
Saturday, June 20, 2009
Lalgarh
The heads of the State are unnerved,the media is crying hoarse for action as several others from different parts of the country come to know of Lalgarh for the first time. The agitation has taken a militant shape,the institutions have been challenged as the people of Lalgarh (as would comfort us) led by Communist Party of India (Maoist) have driven out our institutional forces to form a rule of their own.
The evil other 'The Maoists' have been spotted and hence it's time for war, for the keepers of law of our country. The war mongers are letting us know in beautiful words the capability of the special task forces and Cobra commandoes trained to kill people within. Prepared for Lalgarhs of the future and still fighting 'Lalgarhs' of the past.
However, let us for once slow down this breakneck speed of events and blaring television sets; Do we want this merciless killing of our own people by our armed forces? The answer is a thumping no followed by a but.
But how else can we tackle the situation?
How else can we bring back rule of law?
Lalgarh is still burning and perhaps several others would be dead and tortured while I write this piece and it gets printed. The only answer is that we should not have let what happened in Lalgarh and should not let other Lalgarhs happen. We were silent when innocent Shamsher Alam was arrested, school teacher Chhatradhar Mahato was beaten up by our upholders of law on mere suspicion. We never were so shocked as now when more than 40% of the people in Lalgarh,Jhargram and Purulia had been living on less than Rs 20 a day.
They still live and they often die of hunger and poverty. The war that our Government is now forced to start in Lalgarh is an indication, which perhaps would make us realise that there are thousands of people across our socialist, democratic country dying of hunger and poverty. Several thousand farmers have committed suicide and the government cannot wash its hands off such mayhem, giving excuses of nature and its forces. If we still don't react, still don't ask the right questions perhaps it will be a bit too late, thousands of people may decide not to die (of hunger) any more.
Let us not fool ourselves into believing that the Maoists have fooled the people of Lalgarh. Everyone who has taken up arms there knows that they will be no match to the Indian armed forces but they still fight even if for a few days of freedom. Such is their loss of faith in our institutions.
Such tremendous courage sends cold shivers down my spine,for one does not need to be a social scientist to know that there are so many other Lalgarh's waiting to erupt.
I fear for I know that in my country children are carried away in jeeps to return days later, I know that young girls shiver in fear of the midnight 'santri' a ritual at the helm of protest in Lalgarh. And I know that we had known all this but decided keep quiet. This is the time that all silence needs to be broken and injustice is spoken against in more sense and less language . The only way now to safeguard our democracy won after years of struggle is to wage a
war , a war of politics over economics a war for democratic political participation.
The heads of the State are unnerved,the media is crying hoarse for action as several others from different parts of the country come to know of Lalgarh for the first time. The agitation has taken a militant shape,the institutions have been challenged as the people of Lalgarh (as would comfort us) led by Communist Party of India (Maoist) have driven out our institutional forces to form a rule of their own.
The evil other 'The Maoists' have been spotted and hence it's time for war, for the keepers of law of our country. The war mongers are letting us know in beautiful words the capability of the special task forces and Cobra commandoes trained to kill people within. Prepared for Lalgarhs of the future and still fighting 'Lalgarhs' of the past.
However, let us for once slow down this breakneck speed of events and blaring television sets; Do we want this merciless killing of our own people by our armed forces? The answer is a thumping no followed by a but.
But how else can we tackle the situation?
How else can we bring back rule of law?
Lalgarh is still burning and perhaps several others would be dead and tortured while I write this piece and it gets printed. The only answer is that we should not have let what happened in Lalgarh and should not let other Lalgarhs happen. We were silent when innocent Shamsher Alam was arrested, school teacher Chhatradhar Mahato was beaten up by our upholders of law on mere suspicion. We never were so shocked as now when more than 40% of the people in Lalgarh,Jhargram and Purulia had been living on less than Rs 20 a day.
They still live and they often die of hunger and poverty. The war that our Government is now forced to start in Lalgarh is an indication, which perhaps would make us realise that there are thousands of people across our socialist, democratic country dying of hunger and poverty. Several thousand farmers have committed suicide and the government cannot wash its hands off such mayhem, giving excuses of nature and its forces. If we still don't react, still don't ask the right questions perhaps it will be a bit too late, thousands of people may decide not to die (of hunger) any more.
Let us not fool ourselves into believing that the Maoists have fooled the people of Lalgarh. Everyone who has taken up arms there knows that they will be no match to the Indian armed forces but they still fight even if for a few days of freedom. Such is their loss of faith in our institutions.
Such tremendous courage sends cold shivers down my spine,for one does not need to be a social scientist to know that there are so many other Lalgarh's waiting to erupt.
I fear for I know that in my country children are carried away in jeeps to return days later, I know that young girls shiver in fear of the midnight 'santri' a ritual at the helm of protest in Lalgarh. And I know that we had known all this but decided keep quiet. This is the time that all silence needs to be broken and injustice is spoken against in more sense and less language . The only way now to safeguard our democracy won after years of struggle is to wage a
war , a war of politics over economics a war for democratic political participation.
Tuesday, February 3, 2009
Trading bullets for the ballot - successfully
Born at a critical stage during of the splintering of the Naxalbari movement, the Mazdoor Kranti Parishad has come a long way, having held control of the Jogeshganj Gram Panchayat in Sundarbans for almost three years. Dipanjan Sinha in conversation with veteran MKP leader Nagen Baidya. ...
Jogeshganj: After the death of Charu Mazumdar in 1972, the Naxalbari movement in
revolution. The Mazdoor Kranti Parishad (MKP) was one such party.
According to Nagen Baidya, a leader of the MKP and Ex-president of Jogeshganj Gram Panchayat,
the party formed its mass front in 1978 and participated in panchayat elections in 1983. They won three gram panchayats and one gram samiti in 24 Parganas (North). Since then the
party has held on to these panchayats with breaks in between. As of now the party has control over the
panchayats of Jogeshganj and Hemnagar.
Baidya recalled the the party’s objectives and reflected on its activities and failures in bringing about social change over the last three decades..
Newsline: What prompted you to move out of the revolution?
Baidya: In 1971 many leaders were killed as the police went hunting for Naxalite leaders; a few went underground and few survived. At this low point in the revolutionary struggle, some party workers felt it was a mistake to plunge into a revolution without creating mass consciousness. Since then, we started giving importance to mass organisation.
Newsline: How far have you been successful in implementing your ideology in the villages?
Baidya: We have won most of the panchayat elections in Jogeshgang and Gobindakathi, post 1983,
with a few losses in between. Last year Jogeshganj panchayat won the best panchayat award
from the state, for its achievement in implementing sanitation policies. We have been successful in limiting work hours for labourers to eight hours a day. Much of the land in the area has been distributed to the landless peasants. However a lot more needs to be done, because, a panchayat only has limited means.
Newsline: What were the forms of struggle used to ensure distribution of land ?
Baidya: The movements were usually peaceful with demonstrations and campaigns. The agitations included rasta roko(road block) or gheraos of landlords. However, at times, the landlords used goons to break up the agitations.In these circumstances we had to retreat or fight back which resulted in a period of violence. .
Newsline: What are your prime goals today? How do you interpret the current aspiration of the people?
Baidya: The demands have changed with time. The demands for land and minimum wage have been met with. Almost everybody has some land. Labourers cannot be made to work for more than eight hours in these villages. The most important issue in this region today is the construction of embankments.
Newsline: A few villagers in the area said that they had worked under National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) for five to seven days last year. What is your opinion?
Baidya: The scheme has several loopholes in the way it has been implemented. They went for carpet implementation of the scheme throughout the country without looking into the local complexities. . Hardly 25 per cent of the work has been done under the scheme in this area, in terms of constructing roads and embankments.
Newsline: This is a village which still does not have electricity. Cows do not provide adequate milk. However branded beverages and mineral water are readily available.
Baidya: These are tough times when the leftists have taken a backseat, all over the world. We vehemently oppose globalization and can understand it is the most exploitative form of capitalism. The farmers have suffered a great deal in shifting from subsistence agriculture to extensive agriculture. The fertilizers and genetically modified seeds supplied by Sudha Company decrease the yield and make the land fallow in a few years. We are organising the people against this company and hope to strike back soon..
Newsline: The CPM is losing ground, at least in Nandigram, as reflected in the panchayat election results. What would you say to that?
Baidya: The fascist nature of the CPMs had been exposed much earlier in Naxalbari firing. Later the same was proven in Alipurduar in 1984 when the party crushed a lower caste agitation with its goons. They oppose liberalization only on paper. Actually the West Bengal Government pushing forward liberalisation in the state.
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